2016 ፌብሩዋሪ 10, ረቡዕ

Railways,Doctor's and Lawyers => z Evil Trinity !!!

RAILWAYS
Reader: You have deprived me of the consolation I used to
have regarding peace in India.
Editor: I have merely given you my opinion on the religious
aspect, but when I give you my views as to the poverty of India, you
will perhaps begin to dislike me because what you and I have
hitherto considered beneficial for India no longer appears to me to
be so.
Reader: What may that be?
Editor: Railways, lawyers and doctors have impoverished the
country so much so that, if we do not wake up in time. we shall be
ruined.
Reader: I do now, indeed, fear that we are not likely to agree at
all. You are attacking the very institutions which we have hitherto
considered to be good.
Editor: It is necessary to exercise patience. The true inwardness
of the evils of civilization you will understand with difficulty.
Doctors assure us that a consumptive clings to life even when he is
about to die. Consumption does not produce apparent hurt it even
produces a seductive color about a patient's face so as to induce the
belief that all is well. Civilization is such a disease and we have to
he very wary.
Reader: Very well, then. I shall bear you on the railways.
Editor: It must he manifest to you that, but for the railways, the
English could not have such a hold on India as they have. The
railways, too, have spread the bubonic plague. Without them the
masses could not move from place to place. They are the carriers of
plague germs. Formerly we had natural segregation. Railways have
also increased the frequency of famines because, owing to facility of
means of locomotion people sell out their grain and it is sent to the
dearest markets. People become careless and so the pressure of
famine increases. Railways accentuate the evil nature of man. Bad
men fulfill their evil designs with greater rapidity. The holy places
of India have become unholy. Formerly, people went to these places
with very great difficulty. Generally, therefore, only the real real
devotees visited such places. Nowadays rogues visit them in order to
practice their roguery.
Reader: You have given one-sided account. Good men can visit
these places as well as bad men. Why do they not take the fullest
advantage of the railways?
Editor: Good travels at a snail's pace-it can, therefore, have
little to do with the railways. Those who want to do good are not
selfish, they are not in a hurry, they know that to impregnate people
with good requires a long time. But evil has wings. To build a house
takes time. Its destruction takes none. So the railways can become a
distributing agency for the evil one only. It may be a debatable
matter whether railways spread famines, but it is beyond dispute that
they propagate evil.
Reader: Be that as it may, all the disadvantages of railways are
more than the counterbalanced by the fact that it is due to them that
we see in India the new spirit of nationalism.
Editor: I hold this to be a mistake. The English have taught us
that we were not one nation before and that it will require centuries
before we become one nation. This is without foundation. We were
one nation before they came to India. One thought inspired us. Our
mode of life was the same. It was because we were one nation that
they were able to establish one kingdom. Subsequently they divided
us.
Reader: This requires an explanation.
Editor: I do not wish to suggest that because we were one
nation we had no differences, but it is submitted that our leading
men traveled throughout India either on foot or in bullock-carts.
They learned one another's languages and there was no aloofness
between them. What do you think could have been the intention of
those farseeing ancestors of ours who established Setubandha
(Rameshwar) in the South, Jagannath in the East and Hardwar in the
North as places of pilgrimage? You Will admit they were no fools.
They knew that worship of God could have been performed just as
well at home. They taught us that those whose hearts were aglow
with righteousness had the Ganges in their own homes. But they saw
that India was one undivided land so made by nature. They,
therefore, argued that it must be one nation. Arguing thus, they
established holy places in various parts of India, and fired the people
with an idea of nationality in a manner unknown in other parts of the
world. And we Indians are one as no two Englishmen are. Only you
and I and others who consider ourselves civilized and superior
persons imagine that we are many nations. It was after the advent of
railways that we began to believe in distinctions, and you are at
liberty now to say that it is through the railways that we are
beginning to abolish those distinctions. An opium-cater may argue
the advantage of opium eating from the fact that he began to
understand the evil of the opium habit after having eaten it. I would
ask you to consider well what I had said on the railways.
Reader: I will gladly do so, but one question occurs to me even
now. You have described to me the India of the pre- Mohammedan
period, but now we have Mohammedans, Parsis and Christians. How
can they be one nation? Hindus and Mohammedans are old enemies.
Our very proverbs prove it. Mohammedans turn to the West for
worship, whilst Hindus turn to the East. The former look down on
the Hindus as idolaters. The Hindus worship the cow, the
Mohammedans kill her. The Hindus believe in the doctrine of non killing,
the Mohammedans do not. We thus meet with differences at
every step. How can India he one nation?

THE CONDITION OF INDIA (CONTINUED): LAWYERS
Reader: You tell me that when two men quarrel they .should
not go to a law-court. This is astonishing.
Editor: Whether you call it astonishing or not, it is the truth.
And your question introduces us to the lawyers and the doctors. My
firm opinion is that the lawyers have enslaved India, have
accentuated Hindu-Mohammedan dissensions and have confirmed
English authority.
Reader: It is easy enough to bring these charges, but it will be
difficult for you to prove them. But for the lawyers, who would have
shown us the road to independence? Who would have protected the
poor? Who would have secured justice? For instance, the late Man
Mohan Ghose defended many a poor man free of charge. The
Congress, which you have praised so much is dependent for its
existence and activity upon the work of the lawyers. To denounce
such an estimable class of men is to spell injustice, and you are
abusing the liberty of the press by decrying lawyers.
Editor: At one time I used to think exactly like you. I have no
desire to convince you that they have never done a single good
thing. I honor Mr. Ghose's memory. It is quite true that he helped the
poor. That the Congress owes the lawyers something is believable.
Lawyers are also men, and there is something good in every man.
Whenever instances of lawyers having done good can be brought
forward, it will be found that the good is due to them as men rather
than as lawyers. All I am concerned with is to show you that the
profession teaches immorality; it is exposed to temptation from
which few are saved.
The Hindus and the Mohammedans have quarreled. An ordinary
man will ask them to forget all about it, he will tell them that both
must be more or less at fault, and will advise them no longer to
quarrel. But they go to lawyers. The latter's duty is to side with their
clients and to find out ways and arguments in favor of the clients to
which they (the clients) are often strangers. If they do not do so they
will be considered to have degraded their profession. The lawyers
therefore, will, as a rule, advance quarrels instead of repressing
them. Moreover, men take up that profession, not in order to help
others out of their miseries, but to enrich themselves. It is one of the
avenues of becoming wealthy and their interest exists in multiplying
disputes. It is within my knowledge that they are glad when men
have disputes. Petty pleaders actually manufacture them. Their touts.
like so many leeches, suck the blood of the poor people. Lawyers are
men who have little to do. Lazy people, in order to indulge in
luxuries, take up such professions. This is a true statement. Any
other argument is a mere pretension. It is the lawyers who have
discovered that theirs is an honorable profession. They frame laws
as they frame their own praises. They decide what fees they will
charge and they put on so much side that poor people almost
consider them to be heaven born.
Why do they want more fees than common laborers? Why are
their requirements greater? In what way are they more profitable to
the country than the laborers? Are those who do good entitled to
greater payment? And, if they have done anything for the country
for the sake of money, how shall it be counted as good?
Those who know anything of the Hindu-Mohammedan quarrels
know that they have been often due to the intervention of lawyers.
Some families have been ruined through them; they have made
brothers enemies. Principalities, having come under the lawyers'
power, have become loaded with debt. Many have been robbed of
their all. Such instances can be multiplied.
But the greatest injury they have done to the country is that they
have tightened the English grip. Do you think that it would be
possible for the English to carry on their Government without law
courts? It is wrong to consider that courts are established for the
benefit of the people. Those who want to perpetuate their power do
so through the courts. If people were to settle their own quarrels, a
third party would not be able to exercise any authority over them.
Truly, men were less unmanly when they settled their disputes either
by fighting or by asking their relatives to decide for them. They
became more unmanly and cowardly when they resorted to the
courts of law. It was certainly a sign of savagery when they settled
their disputes by fighting. Is it any the less so, if I ask a third party to
decide between you and me? Surely, the decision of a third party is
not always right. The parties alone know who is right. We, in our
simplicity and ignorance, imagine that a stranger, by taking our
money, gives us justice.
The chief thing, however, to be remembered is that without
lawyers courts could not have been established or conducted and
without the latter the English could not rule. Supposing that there
were only English judges, English pleaders and English police, they
could only rule over the English. The English could not do without
Indian judges and Indian pleaders. How the pleaders were made in
the first instance and how they were favored you should understand
well. Then you will have the same abhorrence for the profession,
that I have. If pleaders were to abandon and consider it just as
degrading as prostitution, English rule would break up in a day.
They have been Instrumental in having the charge laid against us
that we love quarrels and courts as fish love water. What I have said
with reference to the pleaders necessarily applies to the judges, they
are first cousins; and the one gives strength to the other.
CHAPTER XII
THE CONDITION OF INDIA (CONTINUED): DOCTORS
Reader: I now understand the lawyers, the good they may have
done is accidental. I feet that Profession is certainly hateful. You,
however, drag in the doctors also, how is that?
Editor: The views I submit to you are those I have adopted.
They are not original. Western writers have used stronger terms
regarding both lawyers and doctors. One writer has linked the whole
modern system to the Upas tree. Its branches are represented by
parasitical professions, including those, of law and medicine, and
over the trunk has been raised the axe of true religion. Immorality is
the root of the tree. So you will see that the views do not come right
out of my mind but represent the combined experiences of many. I
was at one time a great lover of the medical profession. It was my
intention to become a doctor for the sake of the country. I no longer
bold that opinion. I now understand why the medicine men (the
vaids) among us have not occupied a very honorable status.
The English have certainly effectively used the medical
profession for holding us. English physicians are known to have
used their profession with several Asiatic potentates for political
gain.
Doctors have almost unhinged us. Sometimes I think that quacks
are better than highly qualified doctors. Let us consider the business
of a doctor is to take care of the body, or, properly speaking, not
even that. Their business is really to rid the body of diseases that
may afflict, it. How do these diseases arise? Surely by our
negligence or indulgence I overeat, I have indigestion, I go to a
doctor, he gives me medicine, I am cured. I overeat again, I take his
pills again. Had I not taken the pills in the first instance, I would
have suffered the punishment deserved by me and I would not have
overeaten again. The doctor intervened and helped me to indulge
myself. My body thereby certainly felt more at ease, but my mind
became weakened. A continuance of a course of medicine must,
therefore, result in loss of control over the mind.
I have indulged in vice, I contract a disease, a doctor cures me,
the odds are that I shall repeat the vice. Had the doctor not
intervened, nature would have done its work, and I would have
acquired mastery over myself, would have been freed from vice and
would have become happy.
Hospitals are institutions for propagating sin. Men take less care
of their bodies and immorality increases. European doctors are the
worst of all. For the sake of a mistaken care of the human body, they
kill annually thousands of animals. They practice vivisection. No
religion sanctions this. All say that it is not necessary to take so
many lives for the sake of our bodies.
These doctors violate our religious instinct. Most of their
medical preparations contain either animal fat or spirituous liquors,
both of these are tabooed by Hindus and Mohammedans. We may
pretend to be civilized, call religious prohibitions a superstition and
wantonly indulge in what we like. The fact remains that the doctors
induce us to indulge, and the result is that we have become deprived
of self-control and have become effeminate. In these circumstances,
we are unfit to serve the country. To study European medicine is to
deepen our slavery.
It is worth considering why we take up the profession of
medicine. It is certainly not taken up for the purpose of serving
humanity. We become doctors so that we may obtain honors and
riches. I have endeavored to show that there is no real service of
humanity in the profession, and that it is injurious to mankind.
Doctors make a show of their knowledge, and charge exorbitant
fees. Their preparations, which are intrinsically worth a few pence,
cost shillings. The populace, in its credulity and in the hope of
ridding itself of some disease, allows itself to be cheated. Are not
quacks then whom we know, better than the doctors who put on an

air of humaneness?






2016 ፌብሩዋሪ 9, ማክሰኞ

Satyagraha & z Indian Opinion !

Indian Opinion
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Indian Opinion
The Indian Opinion was a newspaper established by Indian leader Mahatma Gandhi. The publication was an important tool for the political movement led by Gandhi and the National Indian Congress to fight racial discrimination and win civil rights for the Indian immigrant community in South Africa.

Contents  [hide]
1 History
2 Reports
3 Legacy
4 See also
5 References
6 External links
History[edit]
Through the 19th century Indians were brought to South Africa as indentured labour by the authorities of the British Empire, which governed both South Africa and India. Alongside various multi-ethnic communities, the Indian community suffered from significant political, economic and social discrimination, administered by the system of apartheid. In the aftermath of the Boer War, the government of General Jan Smuts introduced significant restrictions on the civil rights of the Indian immigrant community, giving the police power to warrantless search, seizures and arrests. All Indians were required to carry identification and registration cards at all times. Working as a lawyer in the Natal province, Gandhi organized the publication in 1904 with the aim of educating European communities in South Africa about Indian needs and issues.

With the support of the Natal Indian Congress, his clients and other notable Indians, Gandhi assembled a small staff and printing press. Madanjit Viyavaharik, the owner of the International Printing Press and The first issue was prepared through 4 June and 5 June, and released on 6 June 1903. The newspaper was published in Gujarati, Hindi, Tamil and English. Mansukhlal Nazar, the secretary of the Natal Congress served as its editor and a key organiser. In 1904, Gandhi relocated the publishing office to his settlement in Phoenix, located close to Durban. At Phoenix, the press workers were governed by a new work ethic - they would all have a share in the land, in the profits if there were any, they would grow crops to sustain themselves and they would work jointly to produce Indian Opinion. The newspaper's editors included Hebert Kitchin, Henry Polak, Albert West, Manilal Gandhi, who was the paper's longest serving editor (for 36 years), and Sushila Gandhi, wife of Manilal who took over after his death.[1] All but one of its editors spent some time in jail.[2]

Reports[edit]
The Indian Opinion began by adopting a very moderate tone, reiterating its faith in British law and seeking not to provoke the hostility of British officials. However, the Indian Opinion especially highlighted the poor conditions under which indentured labourers worked. Editorials tackled the discrimination and harsh conditions prevalent in the agricultural estates where indentured Indians were employed. Cases of harsh treatment by employers were publicized and the astoundingly high rate of suicide amongst Indians was pointed out. A campaign to end the system was launched and editor Henry Polak, a friend of Gandhi's, went to India to mobilise support. From 1906 onwards it became a vehicle for challenging state laws and urging defiance of these when these were clearly unjust. This tradition began during the satyagraha campaign between 1906 and 1913 which began because of attempts to impose passes on Indians in the Transvaal. The paper played a fundamental role on defeating the registration drive of officials. Its pages paid tribute to local resisters and Brian Gabriel, one of Natal's earliest Indian photographers, provided visual coverage.

Legacy[edit]
The Indian Opinion was a means of bringing news about Indians in the colonies before the public in India. The pages of Indian Opinion provide a valuable historical record of the disabilities that Indians suffered under. It also provides an invaluable record of the political life of the Indian community. Gandhi's experience with the publication and the political struggle in South Africa proved a major experience for him that helped him in his work for the Indian independence movement. He commented "Satyagraha would have been impossible without Indian Opinion."

In India, he would publish Young India, Harijan, and Navjivan. Indian Opinion continued to publish for many decades and played a significant role in the wider civil rights struggle of South Africa. But it also suffered from not being a commercial enterprise but rather a publication committed to serving social causes.






2016 ፌብሩዋሪ 4, ሐሙስ

Freedom Must be Demanded !

Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela (/mænˈdɛlə/;[1] born Rolihlahla Mandela (Xhosa pronunciation: [xoˈliːɬaɬa manˈdeːla]); 18 July 1918 – 5 December 2013) was a South African anti-apartheid revolutionary, politician, and philanthropist, who served as President of South Africa from 1994 to 1999. He was the country's first black chief executive, and the first elected in a fully representative democratic election. His government focused on dismantling the legacy of apartheid through tackling institutionalised racism and fostering racial reconciliation. Politically an African nationalist and democratic socialist, he served as President of the African National Congress (ANC) party from 1991 to 1997. Internationally, Mandela was Secretary General of the Non-Aligned Movement from 1998 to 1999.

A Xhosa born to the Thembu royal family, Mandela attended Fort Hare University and the University of Witwatersrand, where he studied law. Living in Johannesburg, he became involved in anti-colonial politics, joining the ANC and becoming a founding member of its Youth League. After the Afrikaner minority government of the National Party established apartheid – a system of racial segregation that privileged whites – in 1948, he rose to prominence in the ANC's 1952 anti-apartheid Defiance Campaign, was appointed superintendent of the organisation's Transvaal chapter and presided over the 1955 Congress of the People. Working as a lawyer, he was repeatedly arrested for seditious activities and, with the ANC leadership, was unsuccessfully prosecuted in the Treason Trial from 1956 to 1961. Influenced by Marxism, he secretly joined the South African Communist Party (SACP). Although initially committed to non-violent protest, in association with the SACP he co-founded the militant Umkhonto we Sizwe in 1961, leading a sabotage campaign against the government. In 1962, he was arrested, convicted of conspiracy to overthrow the state, and sentenced to life imprisonment in the Rivonia Trial.

Mandela served 27 years in prison, initially on Robben Island, and later in Pollsmoor Prison and Victor Verster Prison. An international campaign lobbied for his release, which was granted in 1990 amid escalating civil strife. Mandela joined negotiations with President F. W. de Klerk to abolish apartheid and establish multiracial elections in 1994, in which he led the ANC to victory and became South Africa's first black president. He published his autobiography in 1995. Leading South Africa's Government of National Unity, which promulgated a new constitution, Mandela also created the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to investigate past human rights abuses. While continuing with the former government's economic liberalism, his administration introduced measures to encourage land reform, combat poverty, and expand healthcare services. Internationally, he acted as mediator between Libya and the United Kingdom in the Pan Am Flight 103 bombing trial, and oversaw military intervention in Lesotho. He declined to run for a second term, and was succeeded by his deputy, Thabo Mbeki. Mandela became an elder statesman, focusing on charitable work in combating poverty and HIV/AIDS through the Nelson Mandela Foundation.

Mandela was a controversial figure for much of his life. Denounced as a communist terrorist by critics, he nevertheless gained international acclaim for his activism, having received more than 250 honours, including the 1993 Nobel Peace Prize, the US Presidential Medal of Freedom, and the Soviet Lenin Peace Prize. He is held in deep respect within South Africa, where he is often referred to by his Xhosa clan name, Madiba, or as Tata ("Father"); he is often described as the "Father of the Nation"!






Abe-Gubegna's Aliwoledim !

Abe Gubegna
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
This article has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page.
This article needs more links to other articles to help integrate it into the encyclopedia. (October 2012)
This article includes a list of references, related reading or external links, but its sources remain unclear because it lacks inline citations. (May 2011)
This article is an orphan, as no other articles link to it. (January 2011)
Abe Gubegna or Abbey Gubegna, (Amharic: አበ ጉበኛ) was an Ethiopian author and journalist, born in 1944 and died in 1980.
One of Gubegna's works is "Aliwoledim," which roughly translates as "I Rufuse To Be Born," or "I Will Not Be Born." Gubegna also wrote "And LeNatu."
Gubegna and his works were banished from Ethiopia.
He is credited with penning the proverb, "Every day in Africa a gazelle wakes up. It knows it must run faster than the fastest lion or it will be killed. Every morning a lion wakes up. It knows that it must outrun the slowest gazelle or it will starve to death. It doesn’t matter whether you are a lion or a gazelle. When the sun comes up, you better be running."






Ruskin and Laissez-faire capitalism !

Ruskin's distaste for oppressive standardisation led to later works attacking Laissez-faire capitalism which he considered to be at the root of it. His ideas provided inspiration for the Arts and Crafts Movement, the founders of the National Trust, the National Art Collections Fund, and the Society for the Protection of Ancient Buildings.


John Ruskin's Study of Gneiss Rock, Glenfinlas, 1853. Pen and ink and wash with Chinese ink on paper, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, England.
Ruskin's views on art, wrote Kenneth Clark, "cannot be made to form a logical system, and perhaps owe to this fact a part of their value." Ruskin's accounts of art are descriptions of a superior type that conjure images vividly in the mind's eye.[190] Clark neatly summarises the key features of Ruskin's writing on art and architecture:

Art is not a matter of taste, but involves the whole man. Whether in making or perceiving a work of art, we bring to bear on it feeling, intellect, morals, knowledge, memory, and every other human capacity, all focused in a flash on a single point. Aesthetic man is a concept as false and dehumanizing as economic man.
Even the most superior mind and the most powerful imagination must found itself on facts, which must be recognized for what they are. The imagination will often reshape them in a way which the prosaic mind cannot understand; but this recreation will be based on facts, not on formulas or illusions.
These facts must be perceived by the senses, or felt; not learnt.
The greatest artists and schools of art have believed it their duty to impart vital truths, not only about the facts of vision, but about religion and the conduct of life.
Beauty of form is revealed in organisms which have developed perfectly according to their laws of growth, and so give, in his own words, 'the appearance of felicitous fulfillment of function.'
This fulfillment of function depends on all parts of an organism cohering and cooperating. This was what he called the 'Law of Help,' one of Ruskin's fundamental beliefs, extending from nature and art to society.
Good art is done with enjoyment. The artist must feel that, within certain reasonable limits, he is free, that he is wanted by society, and that the ideas he is asked to express are true and important.
Great art is the expression of epochs where people are united by a common faith and a common purpose, accept their laws, believe in their leaders, and take a serious view of human destiny.[191]





2016 ፌብሩዋሪ 2, ማክሰኞ

Socratic Politics Not Dirty Business !

Politics (from Greek: πολιτικός politikos, definition "of, for, or relating to citizens") is the practice and theory of influencing other people. Politics involves the making of a common decision for a group of people, that is, a uniform decision applying in the same way to all members of the group. It also involves the use of power by one person to affect the behavior of another person. More narrowly, it refers to achieving and exercising positions of governance — organized control over a human community, particularly a state. Furthermore, politics is the study or practice of the distribution of power and resources within a given community (a usually hierarchically organized population) as well as the interrelationship(s) between communities.

A variety of methods are employed in politics, which include promoting or forcing one's own political views among people, negotiation with other political subjects, making laws, and exercising force, including warfare against adversaries. Politics is exercised on a wide range of social levels, from clans and tribes of traditional societies, through modern local governments, companies and institutions up to sovereign states, to the international level.

It is very often said that politics is about power.[1] A political system is a framework which defines acceptable political methods within a given society. History of political thought can be traced back to early antiquity, with seminal works such as Plato's Republic, Aristotle's Politics and the works of Confucius.

Formal Politics refers to the operation of a constitutional system of government and publicly defined institutions and procedures.[1] Political parties, public policy or discussions about war and foreign affairs would fall under the category of Formal Politics.[1] Many people view formal politics as something outside of themselves, but that can still affect their daily lives.[1]

Informal Politics is understood as forming alliances, exercising power and protecting and advancing particular ideas or goals. Generally, this includes anything affecting one's daily life, such as the way an office or household is managed, or how one person or group exercises influence over another.[1] Informal Politics is typically understood as everyday politics, hence the idea that "politics is everywhere".[1]





z Controversial "Master Plan"!

Land grabbing in Ethiopia: Risk or opportunity for food security?
05 May, 2011
Despite its high agricultural potential, Ethiopia is the largest recipient of international food aid. The lack of transport infrastructure, poor development of irrigation structures, and soil degradation are just some of the reasons.

The Ethiopian government is currently staking its hopes on foreign direct investment in farmland. Critics talk of "land grabbing", but Ethiopia sees this as an opportunity to bring agricultural technology, know-how, and infrastructure into the country. As such, in early February this year, Ethiopia’s agriculture minister announced that 3 million hectares would be leased to foreign investors.

It is doubtful, however, that the present 2.8 million recipients of humanitarian food aid will benefit. Experiences with existing lease agreements do not provide much ground for optimism. According to a report by IIED, FAO, and IFAD, the leases extend for several decades and the maximum price amounts to US $10 per hectare. Ethiopian farmers, on the other hand, often do not possess land certificates and have only land use rights, which they can be deprived of at any time.

Leasing has frequently resulted in exacerbating existing land conflicts. One example is the fertile but conflict-ridden Gambella region where the Ethiopian government is relocating 45,000 families. The local population has no legal means to fight the land grab because the land is owned by the state.

The big question is whether the government will be able to regulate the investment projects in such a way that the local population will actually benefit.

One of the key issues is whether the food produced will even stay in the country. The main investors are from countries such as India, China, and Saudi Arabia, which are themselves battling hunger and malnutrition. Leasing can only serve as a long-term remedy for Ethiopia's food insecurity if the agreements include binding commitments on the inclusion of indigenous farmers, environmental impact assessments, and export restrictions. Moreover, a revised and binding system of land tenure needs to be implemented. (Lena Donat)

Current information concerning the debate around land grabbing in Ethiopia can be found here: http://www.irinnews.org/report.aspx?ReportID=92292

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/mar/21/ethiopia-centre-global-farmland-rush.

You can find a detailed description of the situation in the Gambella region here.



Published in: ECC-Newsletter, 2/2011

Type of Document:
Article
ECC Dashb